Barbara Allen learnt from Kollontai's grandson of a family tradition (based on secondhand information) to the effect that Kollontai had once been on the very verge of arrest. It's a fascinating piece of histo. Alexandra Mikhailovna – or "Shura" as she was called growing up – was close to her father, with whom she shared an analytical bent and an interest in history and politics. [clarification needed][2] He served as a cavalry officer in the Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878) (sometimes referred to as the Bulgarian War of Independence). Part Two: Menage. Kollontai is known for her advocacy of free love. After her release, Kollontai traveled to Norway, where she at last found a socialist community that was receptive to her ideas. Alexandra Alexandrovna Masalina became known as Alexandra Alexandrovna Masalina-Mravinskaya after her marriage to her first husband, Konstantin Iosipovich Mravinsky (originally spelled Mrovinsky)[5] (1829–1921). Mama demanded this. Kollontai admonished men and women to discard their nostalgia for traditional family life. Kollontai was the subject of the 1994 TV film, A Wave of Passion: The Life of Alexandra Kollontai, with Glenda Jackson as the voice of Kollontai. A female Soviet diplomat in the 1930s with unconventional views on sexuality, probably inspired by Kollontai, had been played by Greta Garbo in the movie Ninotchka (1939). [16] Marxism, with its emphasis on the class consciousness of factory workers, the revolutionary seizure of power, and the construction of modern industrial society, held sway with Kollontai as with so many of her peers of Russia's radical intelligentsia. Initially, she was sent as an attaché to the Soviet commercial mission in Norway, becoming the world's third woman serving in diplomacy in modern times, after the First Republic of Armenia representative to Japan Diana Apcar and the First Hungarian Republic representative to Switzerland Rosika Schwimmer. 19 March] 1872 – 9 March 1952) was a Marxist revolutionary and theoretician, first as a member of the Mensheviks, then from 1915 on as a Bolshevik (later a Communist). "The worker-mother must learn not to differentiate between yours and mine; she must remember that there are only our children, the children of Russia's communist workers." This is actually a really fascinating book. to be continued... Bryan Washington on Father Figures and Other Complicated Relationships. The Soviet woman is a full and equal citizen of her country. In her speech, she bitterly attacked the New Economic Policy proposed by Lenin, warning that it 'threatened to disillusion workers, to strengthen the peasantry and petty bourgeoisie, and to facilitate the rebirth of capitalism'. It reads similarly to some of the more popular Russian writers of the late 19th century, though it takes place in Soviet times, and ultimately ends quite differently. Foreword to the English Edition Chapter 1 Chapter 2 Chapter 3 . Years later, she wrote about her marriage, "We separated although we were in love because I felt trapped. Goodreads helps you keep track of books you want to read. Sternberg Press. From late 1922, Kollontai was appointed to various diplomatic positions abroad and was thus prevented from playing any further leading role at home. Red Love stems from a yearlong research by CuratorLab at Konstfack University together with Tensta konsthall, that led up to Dora García's exhibition Red Love and its related public programing. 19 March] 1872 in St. Petersburg. At the time of the split in the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party between the Mensheviks under Julius Martov and the Bolsheviks under Vladimir Lenin in 1903, Kollontai did not side with either faction at first, and "offered her services to both factions". Their romantic relationship came to an end in July 1916, but evolved thereafter into a long-lasting friendship as they wound up sharing many of the same general political views. Revisiting the ideas of a Russian revolutionary and feminist on such topics as sexual politics, free love, and motherhood. Kollontai stayed primarily in Norway until 1917, traveling twice to United States to speak about war and politics[21] and to renew her relationship with her son Mikhail, for whom she had arranged in 1916 to avoid conscription by going to the United States to work on Russian orders from U.S. Start by marking “Red Love” as Want to Read: Error rating book. Her marriage to Mravinsky was an arranged marriage which turned out to be unhappy, and eventually she divorced Mravinsky in order to marry Mikhail Domontovich, with whom she had fallen in love. You, who can't even make up your own bed to look neat and tidy! [25] On 25 January 1921, "Pravda" published a pamphlet by Kollontai, bearing the title The Workers' Opposition, which advocated unionized workers' control over economic activity management and blamed bourgeois and bureaucratic influences over Soviet institutions and the party itself. She then paid a visit to England, where she met members of the British socialist movement, including Sidney and Beatrice Webb. She became a member of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party in 1899 at the age of 27. [32] When Kollontai was in Stockholm, the Winter War between Russia and Finland broke out; it has been said that it was largely due to her influence that Sweden remained neutral. Alexandra Kollontai died in Moscow on 9 March 1952, less than a month from her 80th birthday. [34] She was also a member of the Soviet delegation to the League of Nations. A number of artists and thinkers revisit Kollontai's ideas on the politics of love and their relation to current political, social, and feminist struggles. And, it has been noted, at the time she "was safe in her sumptuous Stockholm residence". Bryan Washington, the acclaimed author of 2019’s short story collection Lot, has returned with his debut novel, Memorial. She was a champion of women's liberation, but she firmly believed that it "could take place only as the result of the victory of a new social order and a different economic system",[12] and has thus been regarded as a key figure in Marxist feminism. She spoke French with her mother and sisters, English with her nanny, Finnish with the peasants at a family estate inherited from her maternal grandfather in Kuusa (in Muolaa, Grand Duchy of Finland), and was a student of German. the proletariat love-and-revolution classic! In 1911, while abruptly breaking off her long-term relationship with her faction comrade Petr Pavlovich Maslov [ru] (1867–1946), an agrarian scientist, she started a love affair with another fellow exile, Alexander Gavrilovich Shliapnikov. What can I do about this? Jenny Morrison writes that "she lived the last 20 years of her life in constant fear of assassination or imprisonment". On asking the publisher to make the changes requested, Kollontai apologized with obvious embarrassment, inviting repeatedly to debit her all expenses and writing twice that, under current circumstances, it was not absolutely possible "to do otherwise".[i]. In 1919 she became the first female government minister in Europe. They were still in contact during early 1930s when Kollontai lived abroad in a sort of diplomatic exile, and Shliapnikov was going to be executed during the Soviet purges. When she 'proved recalcitrant, Trotsky forbade her to speak and issued a decree, in the name of the CC, ordering all members of the Russian delegation to "obey the directives of the party".' Part One: Love. Kollontai was one of the seventeen women delegates to the League's General Assembly throughout two decades of activity; These words were reported by Kollontai's erstwhile diplomatic colleague and fighting comrade Marcel Body (1894–1984) in the obituary he published in 1952 in a political review ("Mémoires: Alexandra Kollontaï"; Letter to Helga Kern, 26 July 1926, reproduced in. Predictably, the appeal of the 22 was unsuccessful. Kollontai became interested in Marxist ideas while studying the history of working movements in Zürich, under Herkner, later described by her as a Marxist Revisionist. In opening up to women access to every sphere of creative activity, our state has simultaneously ensured all the conditions necessary for her to fulfil her natural obligation – that of being a mother bringing up her children and mistress of her home. She viewed marriage and traditional families as legacies of the oppressive, property-rights-based, egoist past. You, who go marching through the house like a princess and never help the servants with their work! MIT Press Direct is a distinctive collection of influential MIT Press books curated for scholars and libraries worldwide. MIT Press began publishing journals in 1970 with the first volumes of Linguistic Inquiry and the Journal of Interdisciplinary History. [28], Kollontai's final political action as an oppositionist within the Communist Party was her co-signing of the so-called "letter of the 22", whereby several former members of the Workers' Opposition and other party members of working class origins appealed to the Communist International against the undemocratic internal practices in use within the Russian party. She was a member of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet, and "for the rest of 1917, [she] was a constant agitator for revolution in Russia as a speaker, leaflet writer and worker on the Bolshevik women's paper Rabotnitsa". The publication also includes the biographical play Kollontai from 1977 by distinguished Swedish writer Agneta Pleijel. [3] This study was confiscated by the Tsarist censors, presumably for showing insufficient Russian nationalist zeal. It reads similarly to some of the more popular Russian writers of the late 19th century, though it takes place in Soviet times, and ultimately ends quite differently. [13], Her parents forbade the relationship and sent Alexandra on a tour of Western Europe in the hope that she would forget Vladimir, but the pair remained committed to one another despite it all and married in 1893. 19 March] 1872 – 9 March 1952) was a Marxist revolutionary and theoretician, first as a member of the Mensheviks, then from 1915 on as a … It's a fascinating piece of history and progressive in a sense—I think Kollontai was writing to the women of her time, so view it in that lens. In her defensive speech before the Congress, Kollontai emphasized her loyalty to the party and her devotion to giving the leading role in the party and outside it to the working class, she proclaimed her full observance of the previous year's decree on party unity, and concluded: 'If there is no place for this in our party, then exclude me.

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